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Electoral Carlism (Restoration)
Electoral Carlism of Restoration was vital to sustain Traditionalism in the period between the Third Carlist War and the Primo de Rivera dictatorship. Carlism, defeated in 1876, during the Restauración period recalibrated its focus from military action to political means and media campaigns. Accommodating themselves to political framework of the Alfonsine monarchy, the movement leaders considered elections, and especially elections to Congreso de los Diputados, primary vehicle of political mobilization. Though Carlist minority in the Cortes remained marginal and its impact on national politics was negligible, electoral campaigns were key to sustain the party until it regained momentum during the Second Spanish Republic.
==Electoral system==
The Spanish electoral system of the Restauración period envisioned that 1 deputy should represent around 50.000 inhabitants. The lower and the only fully electable chamber of the legislative, Congreso de los Diputados, was composed of around 400 deputies.〔exact number of deputies differed slightly from term to term due to minor peculiarities of the system, see Emilio de Diego García, ''El Congreso de los Diputados en el reinado del Alfonso XII'' (thesis ), Madrid 2001, ISBN 8466923128, pp. 467-472〕 Electoral districts were territorially roughly corresponding to existing judicial districts, though there could have been minor local differences.〔there were few cases of gerrymandering, apparently aimed against Carlism. The example is creation of the Marquina district in Biscay; Javier Real Cuesta, ''El Carlismo Vasco 1876-1900'', Madrid 1985, ISBN 8432305103, pp. 211-212〕 The districts were falling into two categories: 279 distritos rurales and 88 circunscripciones. The former were electing one deputy; the latter were electing a plurality of deputies, differing in number depending on the number of inhabitants; in these districts a voter was entitled to choose more than one candidate. In both types of districts mandates were assigned according to the first-past-the-post system. Though districts formed provinces and provinces were part of wider regiones, none of these two types of units played any role in the election process.〔Jesús María Zaratiegui Labiano, ''Efectos de la aplicación del sufragio universal en Navarra. Las elecciones generals de 1886 y 189''1, () ''Príncipe de Viana'' 57 (1996), pp. 186-7〕
Until the 1886 election the eligible voters were Spanish male citizens above 25 years of age with appropriate material status, i.e. those who paid annual fees known as “contribución territorial” in rural areas or as “subsidio industrial” in case of urban residents.〔effect of the censitarian system on Carlist vote differed across the provinces. In the key Vasco-Navarrese area, eligible voters formed only 3,5% in rural and poor Guipuzcoa, 5,5% in Biscay, 6,3% in Navarre and 11,2% in Alava, see Real Cuesta 1985, p. 233, Zaratiegui 1996, pp. 178, 193〕 Starting the 1891 campaign the rights were granted to all males above 25 years, which increased the number of potential voters from 0.8m to 4.8m, the latter figure corresponding to 27% of the entire population.〔Zaratiegui 1996, p. 199〕
Spanish elections of the Restauración are marked by 2 distinct features: turnismo and caciquismo. According to the turnista routine, elections were organized by one of two rotating pre-appointed parties, Conservatives and Liberals, to ensure their parliamentary majority; the objective was achieved by a wide range of manipulations known as pucherazos.〔see Rosa Ana Gutiérrez, Rafael Zurita, Renato Camurri, ''Elecciones y cultura política en España e Italia (1890-1923)'', Valencia 2003, ISBN 8437056721, 9788437056722〕 Caciquismo was the system of political corruption based on networks of local party bosses.〔see José Varela Ortega, ''El poder de la influencia : geografía del caciquismo en España: (1875-1923)'', Madrid 2001, ISBN 84-259-1152-4〕 Efficiency of both mechanisms decreased over time and varied across the country; rural areas were typically more prone to electoral fraud. Carlism functioned on the sidelines of the system,〔see Carlos Serrano Lacarra, ''Oposiciones antisistema: carlistas, republicanos, socialistas y anarquistas'', () Julia Santos (ed.), ''Debates en torno al 98: Estado, sociedad y politica'', Madrid 1998, pp. 115-133〕 deprived of the privileges enjoyed by two partidos turnistas; though there were few local Carlist bosses or even dynasties,〔Joan Prats i Salas, ''Carlisme i caciqusme: Josep de Suelves, Marques de Tamarit, cap carli de las comarques de Tarragona (1890-1918)'', () ''Estudis Altafullencs'' 16 (1992), pp. 123-140〕 in general caciquismo worked against the Carlist fortunes.〔Jordi Canal i Morell, ''Banderas blancas, boinas rojas: una historia política del carlismo, 1876-1939'', Madrid 2006, ISBN 8496467341, 9788496467347, p. 173, Angel Garcia-Sanz Marcotegui, ''Caciques y políticos forales. Las elecciones a la Diputación de Navarra (1877-1923)'', Pamplona 1992, ISBN 8460430294. Some scholars prefer to talk about Carlist “caudillaje” rather than “caciquismo”, see Lluís Ferran Toledano González, ''El caudillaje carlista y la política de las partidas'', () Jesus Milan (ed.), ''Carlismo y contrarrevolucion en la Espana contemporanes'', Madrid 2000, ISBN 8495379147 pp. 91-114〕
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